¶1. (C) Summary: On the morning of July 4, Drug Kingpin Norris “Dido” Nembhard and four co-conspirators lost their final appeal and were eligible for extradition. Following maneuvers by defense attorneys to delay the extradition long enough to mount what would likely have been an unsuccessful appeal to the Privy Council in the United Kingdom, they departed Jamaica on July 11. The inter-agency cooperation at post could not have been better: DEA, ICE, NAS, RSO and U.S. Marshals all deserve kudos. End Summary,

Background on Defendants
========================

¶2. (C) The DEA Kingston Country Office (KCO) conducted a multi-national and multi-jurisdictional operation targeting Northern Colombia based and Jamaica based drug transportation organizations. The Jamaican targets of this operation centered on Norman Ramcharan, Leebert Ramcharan (named by President Bush as a drug kingpin on June 1, 2004) Norris Nembhard, and two of Jamaica’s top ten targets, Robroy Williams and Donovan Williams. These Jamaican nationals and their organization were responsible for transporting multi-ton quantities of cocaine via go-fast vessels from the north coast of Colombia to the Caribbean for subsequent transshipment to the United States. Approximately 600 kilograms of cocaine were seized in Jamaica during joint operations conducted by the DEA and the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF). Leebert Ramcharan, Norris Nembhard, Donovan Williams, Robroy Williams, Herbert Henry, Vivian Daley, Glenford Williams and Luis Miguel Avila-Arias were indicted in 2004, and were arrested by Jamaican authorities without incident in 2004. Ramcharan and Donovan Williams were extradited to the U.S. in 2007. In May 2008, Ramcharan was sentenced to 35 years in Federal Prison; Williams received a 27 year sentence one month later.

U.S. Law Enforcement was prepared for a July 5 extradition
============================================= ==============

¶3. (C) After four years of waiting for the case to wend its way through the legal system, in May, the KCO received advance notice from its sources that Nembhard and his co-conspirators were scheduled for a July 4 hearing, which was their “final appeal.” DEA agents and the Marshals began coordination with the Jamaica Constabulary Force and Jamaica Defence Force to plan the extradition. Because of concerns about last minute maneuvers by the Defense teams to prevent extradition, DEA had arranged to have one of its own aircraft take the five prisoners off island on July 5. In late June, just prior to the extradition hearing, the DEA Country AttachQ and Marshals staff met both with the Commissioner of Police and the Director of the Office of Public Prosecutions to update them on the USG’s intention to move the defendants as soon as possible after the hearing.

¶4. July 4, all the Jamaican defendants lose. Having seen the successful and swift extradition of Leebert Ramcharan and his co-indictee Donovan Williams, in March 2007, an action which prevented a collateral court from interceding on their behalf, the defense teams for Nembhard and his crew were ready. As soon as court pronounced them eligible for extradition, defense council hand-delivered requests for an extraordinary hearing by Attorney General/Minister of Justice Dorothy Lightbourne, something permitted under Article 7 of the Extradition Act. Because the Attorney General granted the special hearing, DEA had its aircraft stand down; the plane was then scheduled to return on July 14. (Note: Avila-Arias, who is Colombian, won his appeal and has been released into Jamaican Immigration Custody for deportation from Jamaica. The KCO continues to work through its counterparts in Miami and Columbia to ensure Avila’s arrest when he returns to Columbia for extradition to the United States.)

¶5. (C) Lightbourne told the NAS Director on July 14, that she felt that to be fair her initial reaction was to grant the defense a verbal hearing. After taking the weekend to mull it over, and realizing that the defense council would just talk her to death, she ordered them to present their claims in writing, which they did.

¶6. (C) On July 7, the Marshals and DEA were hearing rumors that the hearing with Lightbourne was scheduled for later that same week. The Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Justice confirmed for the NAS Director that Lightbourne would hear the case on July 10. Knowing that the DEA aircraft was not available until July 14, the Marshals requested assistance from ICE in securing an aircraft, in case the extradition’s were ordered before the 14. July 7 found the Director of the Office of the Public Prosecutor, Paula Llewelyn working through her channels to ensure that any defense hearing would not be ex-parte. Through the NAS Director, Llewelyn advised the embassy to not make any entreaties directly to the Minister of Justice, requesting that the U.S. instead allow the DPP to represent our interest with the Minister. This is the same advice that she had earlier passed to the KCO. As this was the first test of Prime Minister Golding’s government on a high-profile extradition, based on Llewelyn’s advice, Post began to work other political channels leaving Lightbourne alone.

¶7. (C) Based upon a request from the Marshals, on July 7, the DCM contacted the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of National Security to express our concerns regarding the extraordinary hearing and our hope that Lightbourne would uphold the Appeal’s Court ruling granting extradition. The call was fortuitous, for that same morning, the Minister of National Security had called a meeting of his senior staff to discuss the extradition. One member of the Senior Staff, the Director for Policy, Ann Marie Barnes, was personally interested in the extradition, as her husband Karl Williams was the officer who arrested Nembhard in 2004 on the U.S. warrant. Williams and Barnes by extension as his spouse, who recently had received threats from Nembhard’s family related to the extradition case. On July 8, the Permanent Secretary informed NAS Director that the Minister of National Security, Trevor MacMillan, was fully behind the extradition.

¶8. (C) July 8, the Minister of Justice signed the first surrender order, for Vivian “Jungo” Dally, who waived his right to a special hearing. On the 9th, Minister Lightbourne signed three more orders: for Robroy “Spy” Williams; Herbert “Scary” Henry; and Glenford “Toe” Williams. However, Nembhard’s order remained unsigned. On July 09, Lightbourne received copies of Nembhard’ defense motion requesting leave to appeal to the Privy Council. The Permanent Secretary told the NAS Director that afternoon that “these attorneys have to realize that this is serious business, and the games have to stop.” Late that evening, the ICE AttachQ received a call from MacMillan notifying us that Lightbourne was prepared to sign Nembhard’s order. He asked ICE to “take out the trash.”

¶9. (C) On July 10, Lightbourne, fed up that Nembhard’s defense team was “playing games with her” just to delay her hand long enough for the court to hear his motion for an appeal to the Privy Council, signed Nembhard’s surrender order. Had the court heard and approved the motion for appeal to the Privy Council, it would have issued an order staying Lightbourne’s power to extradite the prisoners. This appeal would likely have been futile, as the Council had ruled in late 2007 that it would not hear extradition cases. However, as it would have taken months for the Council to rule, it would have forestalled Nembhard’s transfer to the United States. Lightbourne told the NAS Director, on July 14, that she was comfortable signing the order, as in her view, none of the defense motions had any merit.

¶10. (C) On July 10, as a further delay tactic, Nembhard’s council requested the opportunity to “talk to U.S. law enforcement.” That same day, DEA, ICE, RSO and U.S. Marshals, in collaboration with the Jamaica Constabulary Force, Fugitive Apprehension Team (JCF-JFAT) and Jamaica Defense Force (JDF) finalized their operational plan for the extradition. That evening, the ICE AttachQ received a call from the Minister of National Security, urging us to have the prisoners removed ASAP. The Minister also informed the ICE AttachQ that he and Minister Lightbourne had been threatened with death if the extradition were to take place. The Minister told ICE he was taking steps to provide additional security to all who were under threat. Based on that call ICE contacted the CBP plane and the schedule for departure was moved up by a few hours.

Extradition occurs on July 11
=============================

¶11. (C) July 11, with the CBP plane on its way, DEA, ICE, RSO and U.S. Marshals assembled at Kingston’s airport. After the prisoners were moved, Nembhard’s defense council arrived at the prison with copies of the defense motions, which were not accepted. At 11:55, the ICE AttachQ reported “wheels up” to Ambassador Johnson. Throughout the day Nembhard’s Defense team continued to demand information on his location, eventually going to the press. Since the extradition became public, the Defense team has continued to try to stir up public opinion against Lightbourne, but to little effect.

¶12. (C) Post Comment: This was the first high-profile extradition executed by the Golding government. Lightbourne, who comes from private practice as a defense attorney (mostly civil cases), places particular emphasis on the protection of human rights and upholding fairness in judicial proceedings. Her natural inclination to “give the defense every opportunity” was used against her at first by Nembhard’s council. Post believes that Minister of National Security Trevor MacMillan was instrumental in stiffening Lightbourne’s spine between July 5-10 when she signed the extradition orders. It is a very good sign that she apparently now understands the gamesmanship that goes on in Jamaica, and has stated that she will not wait to sign any future surrender orders because she has no interest in giving defense lawyers so much latitude in the future. End Comment.

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¶1. (C) Lorna Golding, the wife of Prime Minister (PM) Bruce Golding, told Post’s Public Affairs Officer (PAO) Patricia Attkisson that she believes Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is under the “pernicious influence” of U.S. Representative Charles Rangel regarding the contentious U.S. extradition request for Christopher “Dudus” Coke. In an often surreal and disjointed conversation, Mrs. Golding alleged that Congressman Rangel is a “sympathizer” of the opposition People’s National Party (PNP) who is “manipulated” by PNP elements in the Jamaican diaspora in the U.S. and is “whispering in Secretary Clinton’s ear” in order to “downgrade” the governing Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) and the Government of Jamaica (GOJ). Mrs. Golding also blamed this cabal for the White House’s delay in naming a new ambassador and the GOJ’s difficulties in finalizing a Standby Agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Although it appears unlikely that Mrs. Golding was delivering a message on behalf of the PM, Mrs. Golding’s rambling comments and penchant for sharing conspiracy theories with a key member of the U.S. Embassy community is consistent with a growing sense among many of indecisiveness and a lack of direction on the part of the PM and the JLP. End Summary and Analysis.

“Pernicious Influence”
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¶2. (C) The invitation to the PAO to meet for afternoon tea on December 11 at the PM’s residence had been unexpected; there were no other guests in attendance and no tea was actually served, although the PAO was offered some salad that Mrs. Golding said the Prime Minister had prepared the previous evening. Mrs. Golding didn’t seem to be using any talking points, although the PM was aware of the PAO’s presence and in fact dropped in for some small talk later in the meeting. (NOTE: This suggests that Mrs. Golding’s opinions were not necessarily intended as an effort on the part of the PM’s office to establish some sort of backchannel communication or to present any informal messages or official GOJ
policy. End Note).

¶3.(C) The PAO’s conversation with Mrs. Golding covered a wide array of topics, from salads and manicures to the Coke extradition request (Ref A) and Jamaica’s pending negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (Ref B). Mrs. Golding expressed her belief that Secretary Clinton’s failure to mention the GOJ in the Department’s traditional Independence Day congratulatory message to the Jamaican people in August 2009 had been an intentional slight, instigated by the PNP through its “nefarious influence” on Secretary Clinton. Similarly, Mrs. Golding attributed the Coke extradition request to Congressman Rangel’s “whispering in Secretary Clinton’s ear” and the PNP’s “pernicious influence” within the Jamaican diaspora, and insisted that the extradition request had been orchestrated as a means of embarrassing her husband politically.

PM Needs “Bigging Up”
——————————

¶4. (C) Despite assurances to the contrary, Mrs. Golding remained convinced, as do many Jamaicans, that the White House’s delay in naming a new U.S. ambassador is because Jamaica has been “downgraded” as a result of the extradition request delay (NOTE: Mrs. Golding was apparently unaware that, earlier in the week, the Office of the Prime Minister had released a statement to the press indicating that the delay in naming an ambassador was due to the White House’s “preoccupation with other matters” and was unrelated to the extradition request. Ref A. End Note) . Mrs. Golding alluded to the JLP’s historical ties to the U.S.’s Republican party and the close ties between former JLP PM Edward Seaga and President Reagan, then requested that President Obama “reach out” to the Prime Minister as a means of “bigging him up” (i.e., raising his stature). Nevertheless, Mrs. Golding had nothing but praise for USAID’s activities in the country and referred to the USAID Director as a “true friend” of Jamaica.

¶5. (C) The PAO inquired as to how new revenues would be spent if, as now appears likely (Ref C), the GOJ enters into a new IMF Standby Agreement. Mrs. Golding downplayed the likelihood of new spending on infrastructure or social welfare programs and insisted that all new revenues would be allocated toward paying down Jamaica’s debt. The PM “feels strongly that the Government of Jamaica has to pay its bills,” Mrs. Golding stated, a belief she says he inherited from his mother.

Conclusion and Analysis
——————————-

¶6. (C) Mrs. Golding insisted that she had invited the PAO to have tea on her own initiative and that the PM, although aware of the meeting, hadn’t put her up to it. This is likely true, given that Mrs. Golding appeared completely unprepared, could not stay on message, and had no apparent talking points or agenda. If the PM had hoped to establish a backchannel for discussions with Post or to convey some informal messages to the USG regarding the Coke extradition request, the status of IMF negotiations, or some other matter of mutual concern, it would appear that the opportunity was lost. This is consistent with past practice, however, as the PM and the JLP GOJ have missed a number of opportunities in recent months to signal their willingness to make difficult decisions or to address the myriad economic and social crises the nation faces (Ref D). End Conclusion and Analysis.

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Greetings my brothers and sisters of Chock-Blocko.

Enjoy! 

CUT TO.
HEATHROW AIRPORT CAR-PARK (Continuous)

AFRICAN PARKING ATTENDANT
“The Charge for the ticket is £90, the charge for clamping is £150 and the charge for Towing plus storage is £300…

UNCLE CHESTER (Interrupting)
“Vastaman can you go find ah long piece of wood plus ah large rock-stone so dat I can batter some common sense into dis ya hooman’s thick rhino skin”.

AFRICAN PARKING ATTENDANT (Grinning)
“So di grand total charge to release your car will be £540 plus tax. Di Tax is very important and this fine increases by £50 per day, plus tax. Again di Tax is very Important.”

The thought of paying a £540 plus Tax suddenly ignited Uncle Chester’s ‘Kingston rude-boy’ persona. Within a second the Parking Attendant was in a headlock.

CUT.

[Continues Next Week...]

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Summary: In a recent conversation with the NAS Director, Jamaica’s former Minister of National Security and opposition People’s National Party (PNP) leader, Peter Phillips, agreed that there is danger that Jamaica could go the way of Haiti if the current government were to fail in its reform efforts and if Portia Simpson-Miller (Phillips’ rival in the PNP) were returned to power. Phillips continues to mull over whether to challenge Simpson-Miller for control of the PNP during its Party Congress in September. Phillips also encouraged the USG to continue to push the GOJ on Anti-corruption and police reform. In particular, he advised us to vocally support the current Commissioner of Police, Rear Admiral Hardley Lewin. End Summary.

English Speaking Haiti

¶2. (C) On June 27, the NAS Director met with Jamaica’s former Minister of National Security, Peter Phillips, ostensibly to seek his advice on how the USG could best continue to support the current Commissioner of Police, Rear Admiral Hardley Lewin. Phillips, who when he was Minister could be quite guarded, was in a relaxed and talkative mode and the NAS Director had the opportunity to speak with him about a broad range of topics including his views on the seeming inability of the Government of Jamaica to make headway against spiraling violent crime. In the conversation the NAS Director asked Phillips’ opinion of an assessment of Jamaica’s future, which she had heard from several prominent Jamaicans — that Jamaica sits at a precipice, and unless drastic measures are taken in short order then in five, maximum ten years Jamaica could become “English-speaking Haiti.” Perhaps because he is now in Opposition, surprisingly Phillips not only did not reject this comparison, he agreed with it. (Ref A)

Prime Minster Golding’s Ineptness

¶3. (C) Phillips stated that he has been thoroughly disappointed with the across the board “ineptness” of Prime Minister Golding’s government. (Ref B) He places the blame squarely at Golding’s feet for the results of a recent poll indicating that, former Prime Minister, Portia Simpson-Miller, who Phillips called a “disaster” for the country, had gained ground and now was more popular than Golding. (Note: Simpson-Miller’s rise in the polls is inconvenient for Prime Minister Golding; it also hampers Phillips’ ability to challenge her for leadership of the PNP during this September’s party Congress.)

¶4. (C) Phillips stated that it was an astonishing possibility that the PNP after “running the country into the ground for the last eighteen years.” could possibly come back to power. According to Phillips, Simpson-Miller, who was in a political “free fall” after the PNP’s defeat in September 2007, has been energized by the most recent poll numbers. Phillips made no bones about his desire to challenge Simpson-Miller for leadership of the Party, but said that this new burst of popularity for the former Prime Minister was causing a rift among his supporters. He explained that there are elements within the PNP who are trying to convince Phillips to stay his hand, and given Prime Minister Golding’s slim margins in Parliament, mount a vote of no confidence and ride Simpson-Miller’s popularity back into power. This element within the PNP had told Phillips that they would then support a move by him to internally challenge Portia once the PNP was returned to power. He commented that they clearly were motivated more by a desire to get back into power, than by any real desire to serve the people of Jamaica.

¶5. (C) When asked by the NAS Director if he would ever serve in another Simpson-Miller-led government, Phillips stated that he “never says never, but his answer is no; it would simply be too distasteful.” (Comment: Prior to the aforementioned poll, all signs pointed to Phillips or his supporters leading a challenge against Simpson-Miller for leadership of the PNP in September 2008. Phillips now does not seem ready to do so given Simpson-Miller’s current greater focus and energy. Post’s other PNP sources confirm that the poll numbers have reinvigorated Simpson-Miller. Poll numbers just released on July 11, show that 48% believe that Simpson-Miller is doing only an “average” job as opposition leader, and 22% have a negative impression. Given that the PNP Congress is not until September, this additional snapshot of public opinion may not tell us much about Phillips’ eventual decision to challenge Simpson-Miller

¶6. (C) Phillips further opined that a return of Simpson-Miller, and her troubled former Minister of Telecommunications, Mines and Energy, Philip Paulwell, would exacerbate the Haitianization of Jamaica and Jamaican Politics. (Comment: Phillips’ dislike of Simpson-Miller, insistence that he would not serve in another government run by her, and harsh criticism of the PNP’s eighteen year reign, seem to smack a bit of convenient amnesia, as he served as Minister Without a Portfolio, Minister of Special Projects, Minister of Transport and Works, Minister of Health, and Minister of National Security over successive PNP terms in power from 1993 to 2007. However, as Minister of National Security, Phillips was regarded as a capable administrator of the Ministry and as a friend to the United States on Crime and Security matters.)

Critical Need to continue to support Commissioner Lewin

¶7. (C) Phillips confirmed Lewin’s recounting of the events that lead to his disturbing June 3 resignation letter to the Police Services Commission. (Ref C, D) He stated that it was critical for the United States and its international partners (UK, Canada) to express in the clearest terms to the Prime Minister and current Minister of National Security our belief that Commissioner Lewin is an integral partner and that if Lewin absents himself from the JCF, our support will recede. Phillips also pressed the NAS Director to convey his opinion that the U.S. must support with funds and “boots on the ground” hard measures to identify, and prosecute, corrupt public officials, particularly high-level police officers.

¶8. (C) Phillips filled in his perspective on the purported strained relationship between Lewin and MacMillan, (Ref B) a story that the NAS Director has heard previously from other perhaps more objective sources. According to Philips, MacMillan left the Jamaica Defence Force in 1986 “under a cloud,” and the Chief of Staff at the time, Major General Neish, remained on the job longer to ensure that MacMillan would not be named to the top JDF job. According to Phillips, Lewin was not involved in MacMillan’s dismissal, but as Lewin rose in the ranks, eventually obtaining the position that MacMillan wanted, resentment built. Phillips also recounted that MacMillan was pushing for Lewin’s replacement by Assistant Commissioner of Police Owen Ellington, who was a protQgQ of MacMillan’s when he was Commissioner of Police from 1993 to 1996. Prime Minister Golding’s close relationship with MacMillan, in addition to Ellington’s own reputation as a capable and intelligent officer, perhaps helps to connect the dots as to why Ellington’s name, repeatedly, has been at the top of Golding’s short list for the job of Commissioner, despite purported linkages to criminal organizations. DAO Comment: MacMillan departed the JDF in 1986, and Neish was COS until 1990, which seems a long time to remain in office, if it were only to keep MacMillan out of the position. DAO has doubts that MacMillan has worked to replace Commissioner Lewin.

¶9. (C) Comment: Phillips can be both incredibly brilliant and devious when it suits his purposes and his comments against MacMillan and Golding should to be taken in context. It is troubling, however, that he accepted without protest the notion of the “Haitinization” of Jamaica, something that most Jamaicans would dismiss as a highly insulting and unlikely comparison. Serious consideration needs to be given to providing additional focused assistance to Jamaica to bolster its capacity to prevent its continuing downward, economic, social, and criminal spiral. End Comment.

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¶1. (SBU) Summary: In early April, when the NAS Director was absent from Post, the Government of Jamaica removed the Director, Deputy Director, and key investigative staff from the Financial Investigative Division (FID). The reason given for the decision was that the “international community had lost confidence in the staff”. Neither the U.S., UK, nor Canada, Jamaica’s main partners, had expressed anything other than concern about some management issues. The new Director’s background is in taxation, and there are concerns about her relationship with a suspected corrupt police officer. For the moment, Canada will not work with her. The U.S. and UK law enforcement organizations are reserving judgement until she is vetted. End Summary

Oversight problems put Director and Deputy at risk.

¶2. (SBU) In September 2007, the police estimate that USD 200,000 went missing from the evidence vaults at FID. Two members of staff, a Jamaica Constabulary Force Officer and a civilian investigator, are the prime suspects. Poor management of the vault’s keys, a lack of security cameras, and an inexplicable absence of any sort of standard accounting of the vault’s inventory made it particularly susceptible to theft. In addition to their misfeasance through poor oversight, the Director of the FID, Christine Chambers, and her Deputy, Alwyn Herriman, botched the post-discovery investigation as they conducted a parallel investigation once the police were involved, withheld information that they gleaned from the Assistant Commissioner of Police in charge of the investigation, and failed to secure the vault properly once the discovery was made. The straw that broke the camels back was when the vault again was left open and it came to light that, in direct contravention of a Ministry directive, the keys for the vault remained unsecured and the FID continued to keep cash in the vault. (Note: In addition to Chambers and Herriman, the Ministry of Finance also removed Mr. Farr, one of FID’s senior investigators.)

Sr. Advisor to Minster of Finance engineered the collapse

¶3. (SBU) The Director and her Deputy’s inattention to oversight provided Senior Advisor to the Minister of Finance Col. Trevor MacMillan the excuse he needed to recommend that the government pull the plug and remove them. Previously MacMillan had expressed a dislike for the FID and Chambers because when it had been created it had absorbed the Revenue Protection Division, an organization MacMillan used to head.

Progress on investigation into the missing funds

¶4. (SBU) On May 2, the Assistant Commissioner of Police for Major Crimes, Les Green, informed the NAS Director that the investigation into the funds missing from FID continues. Green however, does not believe that the money will be recovered or the perpetrators prosecuted. Green believes that one police officer and one member of the civilian investigative staff were involved. However, because the crime scene was not secured, he must rely on witness statements. He has a witness, but she won’t testify out of fear for her life. Green faults Ms. Chambers for her misfeasance through a lack of proper oversight but does not suspect her of direct involvement in the theft. However, he does suspect Alwyn Herriman. According to Green, there are too many fingers pointing at Herriman for his liking, and he would not trust Herriman without a full vetting, to include a polygraph.

¶5. (SBU) The Kingston based RCMP [Royal Canadian Mounted Police] Liason officers dispute Green’s claim of Herriman’s culpability. Staff members from SOCA at the UK High Commission are also dismissive of any notion that Herriman may have been involved. Both Herriman and Chambers were highly regarded and trusted by Jamaica’s international partners.

New FID Director

¶6. (SBU) On May 5, the NAS Director met with the new Director of FID, Sharon Crooks to discuss her vision of the future of the organization. Ms. Crooks comes to the FID from the Tax Authority. Her last position there was as an Advisor to the Director General. Although Ms. Crooks reports to both the Minister of National Security and the Minister of Finance, the locus of decision making regarding this critical partner organization clearly has moved to the Ministry of Finance due not only to Crook’s tax background, but also because the continued absence of National Security Minister Derrick Smith will only heighten the FID’s disconnect from National Security. Indeed the Ministry staff is so worried about this situation that National Security’s Permanent Secretary has asked the NAS to arrange a strategy session with him and his Sr. Advisor for Policy to discuss the future of the FID.

¶7. (C) Crooks, who has not been vetted, is going to have a difficult time winning the confidence of her international partners. The manner in which Chambers and Herriman were dismissed and Crooks appointed has angered both the Canadian and UK Law Enforcement Community. On May 1, the head of Canada’s RCMP Liaison office told the NAS Director that due to his concerns about a rumored relationship between Crooks and a suspected corrupt police officer, Sr. Superintendent Devon Watkiss, Canada was ceasing to cooperate with FID on cases. A representative from the UK’s Serious Organized Crime Agency (SOCA) also expressed fury over Chambers’ and Herriman’s dismissal and misgivings about Crooks, but did not state outright that the UK would cease cooperation. On the U.S. side, for the moment, the ICE Attache will continue to cooperate with FID on active cases; he has chosen to take a wait and see approach to the agency.

Crooks has promised to push passage of FID Act

¶8. (SBU) Despite her tax background, Crooks informed the NAS Director that she does not intend to chase tax fraud; the FID will remain a financial investigative agency. Her intention is to try to fill yawning staffing gaps in the organization, which suffers from a lack of qualified investigators and managers, and to streamline case management. According to Crooks, there has not been good case management in the past; as an example, she showed the NAS director a large stack of pending cases from ICE that she is trying to delve into. Crooks also shared with the NAS Director the reports she received from the staff during her in-brief. According to Crooks it has been very frustrating, as many of the questions she poses to her staff meet with the response to “ask Ms. Chambers or Mr. Herriman”. Due to a lack of confidence in the staff, both Chambers and Herriman were personally involved in investigations, which may have contributed to the lack of management oversight at the organization.

¶9. (SBU) Crooks acknowledged that the FID as it exists now does not stand on firm legal footing. She agreed with the NAS Director on the need to push for passage of the FID Act, which is the legislation necessary to authorize the organization as Jamaica’s internationally recognized Financial Investigative Unit and clarify its role in financial investigations. This legislation has been awaiting parliamentary action for more than one year, and passage and implementation would enable Jamaica to join the Egmont group of nations.

¶10. (SBU) Crooks discussed her misgivings about the trustworthiness of some members of staff and said that on the same day she intended to dismiss two additional staff members who have failed an internal background check. Crooks also stated that it is her intention to vet all members of staff, to include polygraphing: “if they fail, they go home”. When the NAS Director pointed out to Crooks that she had not been vetted prior to her assignment as FID Director, Crooks agreed to undergo the same vetting as her staff. Crooks stated that it is a question of leadership: if she isn’t willing to be tested how she can ask her staff to submit to vetting?

NAS Support now in question

¶11. (SBU) In 2007, the FID took delivery of US$75,000 in NAS-funded computer equipment as part of a five stage reform plan that was being jointly funded by the U.S., UK, and Canada. The fall of 2007 also saw the commencement of a one-year training program by the UK’s Asset Recovery Agency to bring FID staff up to snuff on the management of civil forfeiture investigations, seizures, and forfeiture cases. With the hand over to Crooks, given the misgivings of our international partners, the continuation of that support could be in question. The NAS Director told Crooks that she is going to have to prove that the FID will remain a reliable partner if it wants continued international support. We are in discussions with our Canadian and British counterparts as to how we can properly vet Crooks and find common ground on a joint policy to govern any future relationship with the FID.

¶12. (C) Comment: Chambers and Herriman were well liked, and in the past had proven to be trustworthy partners. The U.S., UK and Canada have invested a good deal of time, talent and resources in Chambers and Herriman. The visceral anger expressed by our Canadian and UK colleagues about the dismissals at FID may have more to do with their dislike of Col. MacMillan, and their abused sensitivities at the ham-handed method used by the Ministry of Finance than an actual problem with Crooks. Clearly there were management and oversight failures at FID, and a change in leadership was warranted; whether it needed to sweep up Herriman and Farr is an open question. The RCMP’s accusations of collusion with Watkiss however are troubling. Crooks said all the right things in the meeting with the NAS Director, and she seemed to have a grasp of the organizational challenges facing FID. It remains to be seen if the FID under Crooks will remain a trusted partner worthy of continued U.S. support. End Comment.

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————-
Summary
————-

¶1. (C) In November and December 2005, two murders in Jamaica were labeled by some gay activists as homophobic hate crimes, although senior police contacts described the killings as resulting from common robberies. On November 30, 2005, a leading HIV/AIDS activist, Lenford “Steve” Harvey, was found shot to death in upper St. Andrew Parish. In late December, Nokia Cowen, was allegedly chased by a homophobic mob off a pier in Kingston Harbor and drowned. In the latter case, neither the JCF nor a local gay rights group that insists Cowen was the victim of a hate crime, can specify the date or details of his alleged murder. Meanwhile, the Commissioner of Police and the Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of the crime portfolio acknowledged that homophobia is widespread in Jamaica, while insisting that there is no evidence that these particular slayings are attributable to homophobia. In a separate case of homophobic violence, one well known suspect was acquitted. On January 19th, a court acquitted Buju Banton, a popular dance hall musician, who was accused of beating six men in June 2004 while shouting homophobic insults.

End Summary.

(SBU) Since November 2005, the murder of a prominent gay activist, the mob killing under unclear circumstances of an allegedly gay man, and the acquittal of a popular musician accused of beating gay men, have focused attention on the pervasive homophobia in Jamaican society. The purpose of this cable is to update the Department on what we know about these cases.

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The Murder of Steve Harvey
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¶2. (C) On November 30, 2005, police found the body of Lenford “Steve” Harvey, the 30-year-old leader of Jamaica AIDS Support for Life, with gunshot wounds to the back of his head, in a rural area in upper St. Andrew Parish, miles from his home on Duhaney Drive, Kingston. Investigators initially posited that at least four assailants went to Harvey’s home and robbed Harvey while he and two acquaintances were inside. A senior JCF contact described the robbers as being members of a particularly ruthless neighborhood gang from Kingston’s Grants Pen neighborhood whose members frequently murder their victims. According to the media, the assailants asked the three men whether they were gay as they robbed them. Harvey’s acquaintances denied being gay; however, when Harvey did not reply, he was abducted and subsequently murdered. The other two occupants of the residence were left unharmed. A senior member of the JCF recently told RSO that the police now suspect that on the night of his murder, Harvey was in the Grants Pen neighborhood meeting with suspected criminals when he was abducted by the neighborhood gang and taken back to his home were he was robbed, taken to a rural area and killed. The JCF is also now questioning whether two acquaintances of Harvey’s were actually in the home; the JCF now theorizes that only Harvey and the assailants were present. The senior JCF contact expressed his continued belief that Harvey was the random victim of a robbery/murder rather than the victim of a hate crime.

¶3. (C) Both Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Mark Shields and the Political Ombudsman, Bishop Herro Blair, a respected clergyman designated to lead an outside oversight team for this investigation, advised NAS Director in December that the Harvey case did not appear to be a hate crime.

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Senior Policeman Expresses Doubts That Murder was a Hate Crime
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¶4. (C) On January 11, Shields advised Poloff that he believed that the same people responsible for the murder of Harvey were responsible for the murder of Jamie Lue and that the motive in both cases appeared to be robbery. (Note: On December 31, Lue, who is believed to have been heterosexual,
was found dead in his Honda vehicle. It appeared that, like Harvey, Lue was robbed then shot to death. End note.) On January 12, thirteen suspects were apprehended in the Harvey and Lue cases and suspects are being held in connection with both murders. One suspect was positively identified in a lineup. Shields stated that it was an absolute coincidence that Harvey was murdered on the eve of World AIDS Day and that the suspects, unsophisticated local criminals, were “incapable of knowing the date of World AIDS Day.” Shields said that he had received several calls from human rights groups inquiring as to the status of the Harvey investigation.

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Death of Nokia Cowen
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¶5. (C) At the end of December 2005, a man named Nokia Cowen was allegedly chased by a mob off a pier into Kingston Harbor, were he drowned. Despite allegations by some domestic and foreign gay rights activists, said Shields, there was no evidence that Cowen was chased by a mob or that he was gay. However, Shields did acknowledge to Poloff that the officer investigating the crime scene appeared on TV and labeled it a hate crime. The investigating officer simply got it wrong, said Shields: “He did not know what he was talking about.”

¶6. (C) According to “Gareth”, the leader of the Jamaican Forum for Lesbians All-Sexuals and Gays (J-FLAG), with whom Poloff also discussed the Cowen case, Cowen was indeed a known member of the gay community. “Gareth” insisted that although he himself was not present at the scene of the crime, a homophobic mob did indeed chase Cowen off the pier and watch while he drowned. “Gareth” was unable to substantiate his allegation, however, nor did he respond to Poloff’s subsequent requests for information to help clarify what happened to Cowen. Oddly, neither Shields nor “Gareth” knew the exact date of the Cowen incident.

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JCF Commissioner on Hate Crimes
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¶7. (C) During a recent meeting with NAS Director, Commissioner of Police Lucius Thomas acknowledged that Jamaica is not free from hate crimes, the police “investigate every case of murder regardless of sexual orientation” of the victim. When NAS Director pressed for the status of the Harvey investigation, Thomas stated that preliminary reports indicate that it was not a hate crime but that the investigation is ongoing.

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Popular Musician Acquitted of Gay-bashing
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¶8. (C) On January 19th, Buju Banton a popular dancehall musician with songs that include homophobic lyrics, was acquitted of assault charges in the Half Way Tree Resident Magistrate’s Court. Banton was accused of being one of a group of armed men who forced their way into a Kingston home in June 2004 and beat six men while shouting homophobic insults.

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COMMENT
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¶9. (C) Post will continue to follow up with the appropriate authorities, J-FLAG and other relevant entities to ensure that any and all leads in these cases are investigated. In attempting to assess whether or not Harvey and Cowen were victims of hate crimes, however, it is important to bear in mind that Jamaica currently has the highest per capita murder rate in the world, and that most of the killings appear to have nothing to do with homosexuality. At the same time, however, homosexuality is far less broadly accepted in Jamaica than in most Western countries, and some of Jamaica’s domestically and internationally popular “dancehall” musicians have drawn censure for their frequently anti-gay lyrics. According to the JCF’s year end statistics, in 2005, approximately 35 percent of murder investigations of all types actually got as far as the police identifying a suspect. In even fewer cases was a suspect arrested and then tried for the crime. There is the likelihood that because of a lack of sensitization within the JCF to homophobic violence, the murders of gays, particularly homosexual males, could be given a lower priority than investigations of murders of perceived heterosexuals. In reality, given the widespread lack of professionalism characterized by the JCF, the chance of any given murder – regardless of the sexual orientation of the victim – being solved is relatively low.

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I went on a public bus today. I went on a public JUTC bus like I have been doing for many years now. The JUTC aka “Chi – Chi” bus is a fleet of buses that travels throughout the Kingston Metropolitan Area and parts of St. Catherine. In any event, this piece of written work is to highlight to my readers how Jamaicans “stay bad” and “doh av ntn good bout dem” while travelling on the bus.

The experience of the “Chi-Chi bus” ranges from an over crowded bus, to the stench of passengers that either passed gas like Uncle Chester in Vastaman or their deodorant was worn out for the day, bawling babies, passengers discussing their business and other people’s business, to the chosen few who preach the gospel on the bus.

Today was a special day on the bus though. As I entered, only a few seats were waiting to be occupied and I was fortunate to fill one of these seats. As the bus left the Half Way Tree Transport Centre, more and more elderly, feeble bodied citizens of Jamaica climbed the steps to the bus and would you believe, almost everyone that was sitting were able bodied, “young” people who refused to even look up and offer the elderly folks a seat. Even the seats that are supposedly strategically placed at the front of the bus for the use of such elderly people had young ones in them.

I then decided to offer the seat I occupied to an elderly man as he looked as though he would have toppled over in a second. As I stood to give this man the seat, someone I travel with on a regular basis looked up at me and shook his head as if to say that I was a fool to offer the man the seat.  I was peeved. Peeved because I thought he knew better and peeved because it was upsetting to see all the young people sitting and the folks who helped build this nation stand in the bus until they had reached their exit.

That occurrence made me conclude that Jamaican youngsters (male and female) are a set of very selfish individuals who apparently find it rather difficult to get up off their asses (asses, which by the way, hadn’t even done anything all day) to offer someone a seat. Other persons would have to beg for someone to offer a seat to the poor feeble bodies. The males just show that either chivalry is dead or they have no ounce of the term “gentleman” in their knowledge space. And the same goes for the females; they do a disservice to the meaning of “lady”.

I know that the excuse will be made that the youngsters are tired, but holy horse crap! Not one other person could have offered a seat to someone who needed it more? That is very bad, dismal even. Everything starts at home with the primary socializing agent, THE FAMILY. What is taught directly and indirectly is what is practised, and most of those persons in the bus just didn’t seem to know any better.

It needs to be fixed. We need a Jamaica where more selfless citizens live.

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Time: Mon, 27 Feb 2006 20:57 UTC

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Portia Simpson Miller: Presumptive Next Prime Minister
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¶2. (U) Portia Simpson Miller won the February 25 vote among nearly 4000 voting delegates of the governing People’s National Party (PNP), becoming only the fourth president of the PNP in its 68-year history, and the first female to head the party. More importantly, Simpson Miller, currently the Minister of Local Government, Community and Sport, now becomes the presumptive next prime minister, subject to confirmation by the PNP majority in Parliament and by the Governor General, when Prime Minister P.J. Patterson steps down as expected by April 1. As expected, it turned out to be a contest between Simpson Miller and Peter Phillips. Both camps exuded confidence heading into Saturday, but Simpson Miller, her backers, a highly respected veteran Jamaican pollster, and numerous talk-show pundits and columnists had all predicted that she would prevail, absent skulduggery. For his part, Phillips appeared to be somewhat shell-shocked when he conceded the election.

¶5. (U) The popular and populist Simpson Miller’s decision to skip the only planned debate between the candidates (Ref A) did not hurt her in the end. Though her campaign vigorously denied that she was dodging her opponents out of fear of being shown up on television/radio, many observers still remember her less-than-stellar debate performance against P.J. Patterson when she challenged him unsuccessfully for the top job in 1992. In a country of 2.6 million, Saturday’s voting pool was a small one, although Simpson Miller is almost universally acknowledged to be the most popular politician of either party in Jamaica. The sole contestant in the race from humble origins (and the only one lacking an advanced degree in a country where many rate titles above competence), she enjoys a genuine rapport with many Jamaicans from the poorer strata.

¶6. (U) The just-concluded campaign highlighted unfortunate aspects of Jamaica’s class and color biases – one prominent local columnist who has long and vigorously backed Simpson Miller recently wrote that one prominent PNP member had described Simpson Miller as only being fit to be his maid. Prickly Foreign Minister K.D. Knight, a respected lawyer who served as Phillips’ campaign manager and who has repeatedly questioned Simpson Miller’s intellect and ability, was rebuked by Patterson, who was anxious that the contest not lead to irreparable damage to the party before the next general election. In airing his views, Knight was obviously attempting to discredit Simpson Miller’s candidacy. Although he had voiced the types of criticisms of Simpson Miller frequently expressed privately by many middle- and upper-class Jamaicans, however, he may unwittingly have damaged Phillips’ efforts to attract support among the island’s poorer majority who resented his comments.

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Comment
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¶7. (C) Simpson Miller has a long history in the PNP, and has been a Member of Parliament since 1976. She has always made herself available to current and former U.S. ambassadors and emboffs, towards whom she has been unfailingly courteous. That said, while Simpson Miller has held a number of ministerial portfolios since she entered Parliament, she has never run a “front-line ministry” such as Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, Finance, or National Security, and she has avoided expressing specific views on many policy issues of interest to the USG. Knight and other critics contend that she lacks the sophistication to handle such material. Only time will tell, and much will depend on whom Simpson Miller appoints to her Cabinet and to senior advisory positions. As noted reftel, however, of more immediate concern are some of the individuals behind Simpson Miller’s candidacy with known or suspected criminal backgrounds and/or associations. Septel will address those issues in greater detail.

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¶1. (C) Summary: In seperate incidents, between 9:00 p.m. on May 3 and 7:00 a.m. on May 4, three Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) officers and one private security guard were murdered while another JCF officer was injured in Kingston. Two of the alleged gunmen were shot and killed in one incident and the weapon recovered at that scene has been linked to the 14 month old murder of another JCF officer. The perpetrators for all of the shootings have been linked to the notorious Tivoli Gardens area “Shower Posse”. Although there is an ongoing investigation, no suspects have been
apprehended and another “committee” is being created to look into the crime problem. End Summary.

¶2. (U) At approximately 9:30 p.m. on May 3, in front of the Canadian High Commission in Kingston, two gunmen on a motorcycle approached Corporal H. Chandler, a Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) officer sitting at a traffic light in a marked vehicle, shot and killed him. A JCF officer and a private security guard who happened to be nearby, gave chase and in the ensuing shoot-out, killed the two gunmen, one of whom has been identified as Christopher St. Aubyn Coke, aka “Royale”, the brother of Michael Christopher “Dudus” Coke, a well known, JLP-linked “area leader” in West Kingston. Over the next 24 hours, two additional JCF officers and one private security guard were killed. Another officer was shot and injured while on patrol and in a separate brazen attack, Constable D. Brown was killed when gunmen opened fire on the Crossroads police station which is located in the downtown area near the Embassy. No one has been apprehended in any of the killings.

¶3. (C) NAS Law Enforcement Development Advisor confirmed that the JCF originally believed that these shootings are in retaliation for the fatal shooting of Tivoli Gardens gang leader, Donovan Griffith aka “Zion Train”, by JCF officers in late April. The police believe that the Tivoli Gardens “Shower Posse” gang is fulfilling a vow to retaliate against any security official – police, military and private security guards. However, information Emboffs received through other contacts suggests that there was a direct hit put on Chandler because he was involved in drug related criminal activity.
It is further alleged that the death of “Royale” is what prompted the Tivoli Garden gang’s call for retaliation against any security official.

¶4. (C) JCF investigators at the scene of Chandler’s shooting recovered a Glock pistol belonging to either “Royale” or his accomplice. RSO, the JCF and Miami ATF worked quickly to identify the weapon as one of several purchased by a Jamaican/American woman in Central Florida whose spouse is living in the U.S. despite having a criminal history. Through ballistic testing, the RSO has confirmed that this same weapon was used to kill JCF Senior Superintendent (SSP) Lloyd McDonald fourteen months ago. Ironically, McDonald was gunned down about 100 meters from where Corporal Chandler was murdered. The second weapon recovered from one of the deceased gunmen was SSP McDonald’s service revolver which was stolen at the time of his murder.

¶5. (U) The police expect the retaliatory killings to continue despite pleas from Opposition Leader Bruce Golding for calm in the Tivoli area, his constituency. In response to the threat and subsequent killings, the police have initiated checkpoints in and out of the Tivoli Gardens area. On May 5, the Prime Minster issued a call to “put aside all partisan considerations or selfish concerns and unite in the fight against crime,” while the Minister of National Security stated that the criminals will be “tracked down and put away.”

¶6. (U) On May 6, in a joint statement issued by the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition Bruce Golding, the leaders expressed condemnation and abhorrence at the recent attacks on the police force. They agreed that some communities would require the sustained presence and extensive searches by the police, undertaken on the basis of intelligence and not political considerations. In addition, a Parliamentary committee to deal with security would be established to review the legislative framework in support of the work of the police.

¶7. (C) Comment: While members of the opposition and NGOs such as Jamaicans for Justice have called for the police to utilize restraint in responding to the “attack on police”, post is surprised by what little has been said and done by both the People’s National Party and the Jamaica Labour Party in response. While an agreement to put together a parliamentary committee to deal with security issues is positive, it is yet another group of people looking at the same issue of an escalating murder rate (now over 580 since January 1), that shows no sign of abating. End Comment.

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- Based on your own pronouncements, why should we (or you, for that matter) be surprised when YOUR visa is revoked???]

Time: Wed, 25 May 2005 00:00 UTC

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Summary
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¶1. (U) Visiting WHA/CAR Office Director Brian Nichols, accompanied by poloff, met on May 10 with James Robertson, Deputy Leader of the Jamaica Labor Party (JLP) and Member of Parliament for Western St. Thomas. Robertson offered his views on the recent spate of police killings in Kingston, JLP leader Bruce Golding’s first month as Leader of the Opposition, and the party’s priorities for Jamaica’s future.

End Summary.

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Violence in West Kingston
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¶2. (C) On May 10, visiting WHA/CAR Office Director Brian Nichols, accompanied by poloff, met with James Robertson, Deputy Leader of the Jamaica Labor Party (JLP) and Member of Parliament for Western St. Thomas. Addressing the May 3 and 4 murders of three police officers and a private security guard in Kingston (reftel), Robertson characterized the killings as stand-alone “acts of terrorism” perpetrated by an independent group of disaffected young men. Robertson described the gunmen as “pot smoking” and “bible thumping,” adding that two of the killers, who were shot to death by police shortly after murdering the policeman, both had their heads wrapped in the style of some Rastafarians.

¶3. (C) Responding to the suggestion that the killings might have been politically motivated and linked to the JLP’s fiercely loyal West Kingston constituency because one of the dead gunmen was identified as the brother of JLP-linked West Kingston gang leader Christopher “Dudus” Coke, Robertson denied any connection to the usual retributive gang violence that is common in inner city neighborhoods. Supporting his theory that the murders were not sanctioned by organized criminals in West Kingston, he drew an analogy to the Columbine High School killings in Colorado, asserting that acts of violence can be planned and perpetrated without the knowledge or complicity of their families or communities.

¶4. (C) To further support his claim, Robertson related a telephone call he received from the brother of the owner of ******** Security, the private security company that employed the guard who shot and killed Christopher Coke’s brother. The caller was concerned about rumors that, as the brother of the company’s owner, he would be killed to avenge the death of Coke’s brother. After “making a few calls,” Robertson assured the caller that no gangs were seeking to kill him out of retribution. Instead, he said that the gangs intended to “deal with” the unruly assailants themselves.

(Note: Unbeknownst to Robertson, shortly after the killings, Charge received an urgent call from the Mexican DCM, who told him that the Jamaican owner of ******* Security, fearing for his family’s safety in the aftermath of the shootings, had requested a Mexican passport for his infant child (whose mother is a Mexican citizen) because he intended to take his family to the U.S. until the local situation settled down. Mexican DCM asked whether Embassy Kingston would then facilitate an urgent NIV issuance for the child so that the family could depart. Post accommodated the request. End Note.)

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Golding’s First Month as Leader
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¶5. (C) Asked whether the newly installed Leader of the Opposition Bruce Golding would be able to control the violence in his West Kingston constituency, which some observers assert is intended to test Golding’s resolve, Robertson expressed confidence that he would. He disagreed, however, with Golding’s recent public comments criticizing the police for unfairly stigmatizing his constituency.

(Note: On May 8, Golding accused the JCF Deputy Commissioner for Crime, a senior British policeman on secondment to the JCF, of wrongly stigmatizing West Kingston in the matter. Golding was publicly criticized by the People’s National Party (PNP) and news media for his comments. End Note.)

Robertson speculated that Golding was caught up in the moment when he defended his constituents by criticizing the police force. He expressed regret at his party leader’s handling of the situation, saying that Golding could have pandered to his constituents in private, without making controversial remarks to the media.

¶6. (C) [Robertson] was positive on Golding’s performance in his first month as JLP leader. He offered that, once the party recovers from Golding’s recent damaging comments, Golding would continue to wage a strong campaign for the prime ministership. Robertson opined that Minister of National Security Peter Phillips is the PNP’s only serious contender to succeed P.J. Patterson, because he is the only one with the “strength” to win. He added that Golding continues to distance himself from Robertson and other “Young Turks” within the party who helped to orchestrate Golding’s rise to power. Robertson explained that many of Golding’s advisors fear him (Robertson) and his “reformist” colleagues because of the political power they wield

(Note: Robertson and the group of “Young Turks” are credited with being largely responsible for Seaga’s ouster. End Note.).

Robertson further explained that he is feared by some for his suspected ties to illegal activities, including drug trafficking.

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Comment
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¶8. (C) As in previous meetings, Robertson repeatedly mentioned that he has been branded with the suspicion of being involved in illicit activities. (He is partially correct; “strong suspicion” might be a more accurate assessment.) In truth, like many Jamaican politicians of whatever party affiliation, Robertson is known to associate with criminal elements. The fact that both he and a fellow “Young Turk” JLP Deputy Leader, Horace Chang, carry the strong whiff of impropriety, probably has much to do with Golding’s post-victory policy of keeping them at arms length. Also, Robertson and Chang earned the enduring wrath of former Opposition Leader and Prime Minister Edward Seaga in their ruthless but effective campaign to unseat him, and Golding, who needs to reach out to the still-influential Seaga and his supporters to consolidate his own leadership of the JLP, cannot afford too close an association with “friends” like Robertson and Chang who carry so much baggage. Interestingly, neither Robertson nor his reformist colleagues within the JLP have publicly objected to having been sidelined within the party by Golding in recent weeks.

¶9. (C) Comment (cont’d): Robertson insisted that his underworld/garrison sources were unaware that the police killings would take place and were displeased with what transpired. While his assertions track with some reports that West Kingston gang leaders are at odds over the murders of police, Robertson’s claims seem an attempt to deflect criticism and stigmatization that is often directed toward West Kingston and its notorious, politically affiliated criminals. End Comment.

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